If the raiders—usually comprising a number of relatives of the person being mourned—returned successful, the camp would revive the ceremonies with a Scalp or Victory Dance. These dances varied from tribe to tribe, but commonly they were a celebration of the warriors' victory and bravery. Scalps were displayed on poles, often carried by the women of the camp; coups were recited, and a scalp might be presented as a replacement for the avenged camp member, an appeasement for his relatives. The horse raid was a much more frequent and spontaneous event, often being undertaken without consultation with the band's chiefs. It became the commonest way for a man to display his courage and acquire wealth and prestige, and involved a much smaller raiding party. While the men's departure was again preceded by the invocation of 'medicine', and their successful return was cause for celebration, this was more understated than with the scalp raid, just as the raiders sought horses through silence and stealth rather than in a flamboyant clash with their enemy in a bid for scalps. The taking of horses was not the only factor effecting a warrior's rise to prominence. While this provided him with material evidence of his exploits, the Indians also had to prove themselves by attaining other war honours or 'coups'. The coup proper was to deliberately touch an enemy with the hand or something held in the hand—e.g. a weapon, a quirt, or a specifically-designed willow wand called a 'coup-stick'— without actually harming him. The Cheyenne warrior Yellow Nose, for example, gained great honour by snatching Custer's standard at the Little Big Horn, and using it to count coup on the enemy soldiers. There were many other war honours which were also termed as coups, and rewarded with honorific symbols depicted on the warrior's body, clothes, horse and possessions, signifying status. Different tribes recognized different exploits as war honours, and graded them according to their worth. The Crow gave special recognition to a man who had led a successful raid, captured a picketed horse, counted coup, and snatched an enemy's gun. This last was considered the ultimate coup by the Blackfoot, who placed it well above the killing of an enemy, which was rated only as a minor coup by many tribes; the Assiniboin who touched a fallen enemy gained more status than the warrior who had shot him. War exploits were also accorded varying honour depending upon their circumstances. For example, to strike a coup upon an enemy whose prowess was denoted by regalia such as a war-bonnet, or to do so actually within the enemy camp, naturally elevated the deed. Further, the first coup counted in any encounter held the greatest value; while more than one coup could be counted on the same person, the value of each diminished after the 'first coup'. The Arapaho and Sioux permitted four such coups, while the Cheyenne recognized only three. The rewards of a notable war record were great for the Plains warrior, bringing him the right to wear specific regalia; these displayed his prowess, and thus increased his reputation and influence. Conversely, it was a humiliating experience for a man to have coups counted upon himself.) A proven warrior was given the honour of reciting his coups, of naming children and piercing their ears, of participating in religious ceremonies, and of progressing through the ranks of his particular warrior society. The scalp, like a stolen horse or captured gun, also provided an individual with a trophy of war and, as proof of a killing, denoted a coup. While all tribes apart from the Cree and Sioux regarded scalping as subordinate to other coups, it was nevertheless widely practiced, since a scalp was a tangible symbol of success. The hair was considered synonymous with an Indian's identity and an extension of his soul, so scalping also spiritually killed a victim. This again reflected the tribal complex of self-assertion, particularly on a ven¬geance raid: the scalping undermined the soul of the enemy and spiritually replaced and avenged the tribe's own deceased. Scalps were flourished at Scalp Dances, and were sometimes kept thereafter, stretched across wooden hoops and decorated, for example, as powerful war medicines. Weapons The Plains Indians naturally possessed a wide variety of weapons, ranging from the indigenous bows, lances and clubs to the firearms and metal-bladed weapons provided by the whites. The bow remained one of the most popular weapons from the early 'dog-days' throughout the conflict with the whites, and was used with great skill for both hunting and war. It was adapted to suit a mounted bowman by being reduced in length, to only 3 ft in some cases, making it manageable on horseback and lessening the risk of impalement in case of a fall. Bows were occasionally fashioned from horn, but more commonly from wood; this was often strengthened with strips of sinew, which was also the material for the bow¬string. The making of any bow was a skilled craft, recurved bows being particularly valued for their power and beauty. Even good, straight arrows were difficult to make, and consequently were also prized. Arrowheads of bone or stone were quickly replaced by iron or steel when these became readily available from traders. The Plains warrior's use of the bow was on a par with his mastery of the horse, and was also developed from an early age. Arrows were released with great accuracy, and enough power to go clean through a buffalo or a man's skull at close range. The Indians usually tried to close the range. Accurate at 100 yards, the bow was not effective over about 150 yards. (There have been claims for a maximum range of 300 yards under perfect conditions: this would be an astonishing performance for a bow of horseback length unless it was of composite wood/horn/sinew construction, and sharply recurved in shape.) Consequently, because the bow also had the advantages of silence and a rapid rate of discharge, it remained in full use even after the introduction of the gun. The earliest firearms obtained by the Indians were inaccurate, slow to load and cumbersome; and while they were cheap and sturdy, their main advantages lay in their effectiveness at close range, and the initial shock and fear created by their alien appearance and effect. The typical firearms provided by the fur companies were termed 'North-West' guns, and were made by a variety of manufacturers. They were light, muzzle-loading, single-shot flintlock muskets varying from .50 to .70 in. calibre, with an enlarged trigger guard to allow firing with a mittened hand. The Indians customized their guns, shortening the barrels for ease of use on horseback, adding decoration in the form of brass studs and beautifully beaded buckskin cases, and using rawhide to repair any breakages. Heavier, more accurate and powerful flintlock and percussion 'trade-rifles' were introduced between 1800 and 1850, but, being muzzle-loaders, these still had a low rate of fire. Consequently, while ownership of a gun was always prestigious, it was only after the :86os, when repeating breech-loaders began to reach the tribes, that firearms began to supersede the bow. By the late eighteenth century, however, most warriors possessed either a rifle, such as the treasured 1866 Winchester carbine, or a pistol, the six-shot Civil War Remingtons and Colts making excellent horseback weapons for close combat. A large number of other weapons were used, all of which were affected by the trade goods of the whites. Stone clubs were the most popular 'dog-days' weapons, and were subsequently lengthened to ease their use on horseback. At the same time the availability of metal promoted the use of other weapons, such as knife-clubs and the more common tomahawks. The very popular metal 'butcher knife' served as utilitarian tool, scalping-knife and weapon; and metal blades were used for spears and lances, in all cases replacing the laboriously crafted and fragile chipped stone heads. Lances were both weapons and symbols of office and bravery. The bow-lance, for example, was carried by Cheyenne Bowstring Society members, while many tribes used decorated staffs, often shaped like a shepherd's crook and covered in otter fur (and sometimes mistakenly called coup-sticks) to identify officers. The shield completed the warrior's physical defences, and once again evolved with the use of the horse, being reduced from approximately 3 ft to between 1 \ and 2 ft diameter. While its construction of one or two layers of heavy buffalo hide, shrunk by heating and padded with hair or feathers, was capable of deflecting a low-velocity musket ball, much of the shield's protection was believed to lie in the 'medicine' of the designs and regalia it displayed. This decoration was believed to imbue the owner with supernatural defences, perhaps through depicting his vision-spirit—for example, by a painting of a bear claw, or the actual attachment of a real claw to the shield. A great deal of ritual surrounded the construction of a 'medicine-shield', and great care had to be taken in maintaining it. Taboos had to be observed: shields were prevented from touching the ground, and kept on tripods facing the sun to renew their power. The belief in the shield's spiritual power was such that sometimes only the thin protective cover, a miniature of the shield or a lacework shield were actually carried into battle. Warrior Societies Warrior societies were an important aspect of Plains life, dividing a tribe's fighting men into distinct units which provided their members with a social club, and an organization in which they could progress through ranks of officership which brought great prestige. Each society had its own distinctive songs, dances and costume, and held regular meetings of its members. They also served the purposes of providing a policing force, encouraging bravery through inter-society rivalry, and provid¬ing a medium through which the civil chiefs and warriors could confer. There were two distinct types of warrior society, 'graded' and 'non-graded'. The Blackfoot. Arap-aho, Gros Ventre, Mandan, Hidatsa and Kiowa all used a graded system, conforming to the same general pattern. As a group of boys of a similar age became old enough to fight, they would offer a pipe and gifts to their immediate seniors, the members of the most junior society, in order to buy the right to their songs, dances, ceremonies and regalia, and consequent membership of the club. Once the sellers of membership had negotiated the maximum fee they would agree acceptance by smoking the pipe. They were then feasted by the young buyers, helped out by their relatives, while they taught them the appropriate rituals. This completed, the new society members would proudly announce their new status. Those men who had sold them membership did not remain in the society, however; they were displaced, and subsequently sought to buy themselves into the next grade up. This process was repeated until a man sold his membership of the most senior society in the tribe, and retired as a recognized warrior. Each society in the graded system was accorded a definite rank, so that there was no doubt as to which held greatest seniority. Since a warrior would only seek purchase into the next society when he had gained enough experience from his current fraternity, and promotion was sought by a body of men rather than an individual, the societies were approximately graded by age and achievement. In contrast, the non-graded societies, typified by those of the Crow. Cheyenne. Sioux. Assiniboin, Pawnee and Arikara. were theoretically equivalent in status, although the popularity of each varied according to the exploits of its members. The societies did not generally discriminate between those wishing to join their ranks, since a substantial membership was important for the club's survival. Those warriors whom the society thought would improve their status were lured by gifts, while a man's relatives often affiliated themselves to his society. Occasionally a warrior would change societies either to replace a dead relative, or in the case of a disagreement. Because there was no formal grading of clubs inter-society rivalry was intense, with each vying for superiority. The Crow Lumpwood and Fox clubs took this to extremes, practicing the formalized abduction of each other's members' wives. The fierce rivalry thus engendered was carried on to the battlefield, where each society strove to strike the first coup, and its members fought fearlessly out of duty towards their fraternity. The duties of the graded and non-graded societies were very similar, and both were divided up into various honorary ranks. These offices were often two-sided, for while they conferred great honour, they also usually demanded some personal sacrifice or commitment. For instance, a 'bear-belt wearer' in the Big Dog Society of the Crow would pronounce his status by wearing a belt of bearskin complete with claws, by daubing his body with mud, and by rolling up his hair into tight balls imitating a bear's ears. While such an officer would receive privileges, such as eating first at a feast. acceptance of the rank would also entail the commitment to walk straight up to the enemy, regardless of safety; never to retreat; and to rescue any tribesman in danger. Similar vows were common for both individuals and particular societies. Such warriors as the members of the Kiowa Koitsenko or Ten Bravest, and certain members of the Miwatani or Tall Ones of the Sioux and the renowned Cheyenne Dog Soldiers—all elite societies pledging unflinching bravery—would wear a sash which they staked to the ground in battle. There they would fight until victory or death, unless a fellow society member pulled up the stake and released them from their vow. Perhaps the most extreme examples of recklessness were the 'contrary' warriors, who pledged themselves—out of grief, or foolhardiness, or in accordance with a vision of the much feared Thunder—to behave inversely, saying and doing everything opposite to the norm. Contrariness was a recurrent theme in Plains religion—the Blackfoot Sun Dancer, for instance, received cuts in his skin of the opposite depth to that which he had requested—and, similarly, the contrary warrior was believed to possess great power. The Cheyenne had particular warrior societies for the contraries, such as the Bowstring Society; such men were formidable enemies, since, confident of their power and burdened by the restrictions of their role, they fought without fear. They would refrain from joining battle if victory was inevitable, charging in to fight ferociously only when their comrades were defeated. The Crow 'crazy dogs wishing to die' actively sought their own deaths. Going to the opposite extreme, a man could opt out of the military scheme altogether, becoming a 'berdache' or transvestite. Such a decision stemmed from a vision in which a boy was offered the choice of a bow or pack strap by the Moon, and was handed the pack strap if he hesitated, thus symbolizing his feminized future. Upon reaching manhood he would follow his nature and begin dressing, speaking and behaving as a woman. Like the contraries, berdaches both suffered ostracism and enjoyed power. Their effeminacy made them popular as matchmakers, and they were also sought-after to accompany war parties, both for their medical skills and because they were believed to bestow strength and virility upon the fighters. The berdaches also suffered scorn, however, since they represented the complete opposite of the Tearless warrior' ideal. War Costume While a certain basic wardrobe was reserved simply for everyday comfort, the Plains warrior also wore highly decorative dress or war costume for ceremonies, parades, burial and battle, with embellishments which served various purposes. Firstly, display costume could denote society or tribal rank, or membership of a visionary cult. Secondly, designs reflected visionary experience and consequently invoked 'medicine', providing supernatural guidance and protection. Thirdly, war costume displayed achievement marks, retain¬ing and proclaiming evidence of a warrior's accomplishments. The war shirt or 'scalp shirt' provides a good example of all three functions. In early years it was almost exclusively worn as a badge of office; this is most clearly illustrated by the leaders of the Sioux, who were called Shirt-Wearers, each being presented with a painted shirt fringed with hair symbolizing the people they were responsible for. Prominent warriors, when they wore scalp-shirts as marks of distinction, fringed the neck and sleeves either with hair taken from an enemy or— particularly among the Blackfoot and Crow—with ermine pendants. Bands of beadwork or quillwork along the arms and over the shoulders, or in the form of rosettes, also denoted military excellence; among the Crow, for example, four such bands symbolized a holder of the four main coups. War shirts were also decorated with painted representations of exploits, the symbols for different coups varying from tribe to tribe. Some commonly used designs were a hand, representing success in hand-to-hand combat; stripes, which could sym¬bolize wounds or coups; pipes, numbering the war-parties led; and hoofmarks, indicating numbers of horses captured. While a war shirt could therefore provide a pictographic record of the wearer's coups, it also offered him supernatural protection through other designs and trimmings. Such shirts, which might form a vital part of a man's war medicine, sometimes offered protection by association with the danger: for example, by depicting black dots or 'tadpoles' which supposedly made the wearer immune to bullets. Alternatively, shirts were painted with designs of a natural helper seen by the wearer in a vision, such as the bear or eagle, which could impart protection from the Sacred Powers. Pierced shirts were also worn as supernatural defences. Shirts were not the only items of costume which were important for their decoration. Coups and medicine beliefs were also represented on robes, leggings and moccasins. The large surface area of robes was ideal for detailed pictographs; while leggings were fringed with hair in the same way as shirts, as well as painted with protective and honorific designs such as stripes. Moccasins were beaded with various intricate designs, and were also fringed; a Crow coup striker, for example, wore wolf tails at his heels. Full costume was undoubtedly worn into battle, and not just reserved for ceremonial occasions. Warriors carried it until the enemy were sighted; then they would generally prepare for battle by donning their war costume, preparing any other regalia, applying face and body paint, and even rebraiding their hair. The reasons for such preparation were quite complex. Firstly, according to the Cheyenne warrior Wooden Leg, warriors dressed for death, just as they did when seriously ill. Secondly, the preparations for battle, performed with appropriate ceremony, put the warrior in touch with the sources of supernatural power, his regalia reminding him constantly of his spiritual obligations. Finally, a warrior's dress reflected his intentions and status, displaying his proven strength and courage, and asserting his confidence and superiority. Those warriors, therefore, who chose to fight virtually naked neither feared death nor needed physical protection, since they were convinced that their charms, paint and prayer fortified them against the enemies' weapons. Naturally, the importance of costume extended to weapons and accessories. Again, coups were denoted, particularly by painting weapons; the Mandan chief Four Bears wore a red-painted knife in his hair and carried a lance of the same color to symbolize that he had killed with those weapons. Status was signified by society lances and sashes, while medicine was also invoked, most obviously by the designs on shields but also by the use of special weapons, such as the Blackfoot knife set into a bear-claw hilt. Warriors also wore or carried objects which had a purely spiritual purpose. These 'war medicines' took various forms, from the popular leather pouch containing symbols of a warrior's powder, to dolls, pendants, pipes, hoops and feathers. Such items were fixed to shields, worn around the neck or in the hair, carried, or possibly left in camp if their nature was such that simple ownership conferred power. Reliance on them was great, whether they were an individual's personal talismans or those of the leader or 'pipe-holder' of a war-party. The warriors would smoke the leader's pipe and meditate upon his medicine to invoke its guidance, as well as following their own rituals, culminating in the ceremonial preparation for combat. A warrior's apparel was usually completed by paint, and feathers worn in the hair. Systems of feather heraldry were employed by the Sioux and such tribes as the Hidatsa, Crow, Gros Ventre, Mandan and Assiniboin. Plumes from birds of prey, particularly the brown-tipped white feathers of the immature golden eagle, were cut. painted and positioned on the head to denote coups in the same way as the symbols used on costume. The specific meanings of different feather designs varied from tribe to tribe, and between individuals. While any warrior could wear feathers, the right to wear an eagle feather war bonnet was earned only by a few. A warrior would first put on the bonnet either when he himself felt worthy of it or at the urgings of his superiors. To do so was a profession of his belief in his own fighting ability, and an assumption, therefore, of great responsi¬bility. A bonnet-wearer claimed to be one of his tribe's ablest defenders, and as such he was expected to set an example of bravery, despite being an obvious target for enemy coup-seekers. The feathers in war bonnets were symbolic of coups among those tribes practicing heraldry, and flags bearing further plumes also symbolised the carrier's bravery as well as providing a rallying point for fellow warriors. Headdresses, sometimes centered on stuffed birds, were also worn as medicine items or to signify membership of a society, the members of the Miwatani Society wearing bonnets of eagle-owl feathers. Face and body paint established the Indian in the role of a warrior. While certain colors could have specific meanings (black, for instance, often signifying victory), and while coup marks were used and old wounds highlighted, a warrior's war paint designs were usually only significant to him. Together with solemn prayers and vows, and the warrior's sacred costume and regalia, these designs completed the medicine preparations which fortified him for war. |
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| Native American Weaponry and Warfare Practices During the Plains Indian Wars |
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| While the material motives of securing favorable camp-sites and hunting grounds, and of capturing horses, contributed to tribal conflict, there were other and less obvious factors underlying the warlike nature of the Plains Indians. Tribes sought security through aggression and self-assertion. Rather than using large numbers to destroy a weak enemy, they would instead send small war-parties into the heart of their most powerful adversary's territory. By displaying such recklessness a tribe struck at the very spirit of their enemy, while proclaiming their own strength, bravery, and—in particular—faith in their 'medicine'. Clearly, then, an intrinsic part of war was to demonstrate complete disregard for fear, and this was well illustrated by the way in which the individual warriors fought. The actual killing of an enemy was generally secondary to displays of bravado, the greatest honor being accorded to those men who showed contempt for their adversaries, thus mirroring the tribal motives of asserting strength, superiority and the resolve necessary to survive. War was consequently the most important sphere in which a man had to prove his worth, and the most direct way of achieving prestige. It was considered a man's business to fight, and the idea that it was 'better to die in battle than of old age or sickness' was instilled at an early age. The courting of danger brought renown, while cowardice met with scorn, and age robbed a man of his vigor and usefulness. Because of the complex motives behind conflict on the Plains, warfare took various forms. Naturally, repelling enemy attacks was one important role of a band's warriors, while offensive action was divided into the scalp raid and the horse raid. Prior to the use of the horse, indecisive clashes between whole tribes exchanging arrows at long range were interspersed with more frequent, destructive attacks on small camps by superior forces. After the introduction of the horse, all raids for scalps became less frequent; while clashes of tribal proportions between hundreds of warriors, which had sometimes included men from allied tribes, now became very rare. The scalp raid was usually launched to seek revenge on an enemy tribe, or to conclude a period of mourning. It was a highly organized affair, and consequently involved a considerable amount of ceremony. Before the raiders' departure vows and sacrifices to the Sacred Powers invoked success, while variations on the 'big' or 'horseback' dance—where the warriors donned full war regalia and paraded with their horses—aroused tribal spirit. |
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| Text for this section came from the above source... |